A case for working class unions

We have heard in recent years the frequently used terms wealth inequality and its subset income or salary inequality. Quantifiable evidence showing a multi-decade trend toward wealth inequality has been put forward by left-wing economists and think tanks that fuel much of the political activism of the Democratic Party’s left wing. An example of this type of data was published by the Urban Institute showing how in 1963 families at the top of the wealth distribution had six times the wealth of families in the middle, while by 2016 wealthy families had twelve times the wealth of those in the middle. half.

Currently, the Covid-19 pandemic is starkly revealing what can reasonably be seen as yet another economic misfortune for those at the lower end of the wealth spectrum. Many of the frontline essential workers, such as janitors, grocery store clerks, health care workers, and child care workers, among others, are those who have jobs that cannot be done through Zoom, email, and phone from home. and are at higher risk of contracting the virus given the demands of their in-person customer-facing job. This increased risk combined with relatively low wages for workers providing services we all need during these challenging times strengthens the argument that this cohort deserves more respect and economic clout.

It’s hard to ignore how the decline of unions correlates quite clearly with rising wealth inequality. Many believe that it is not just correlation that we are seeing, but causality. The loss of a collective working class voice due to the chorus of longstanding anti-unionism has led not only to their diminished political influence, but also to a drop in their living standards. Perhaps the income disparity argument is now about to move beyond a claim backed by longitudinal data and graphs to one of fundamental justice for workers who are crucial, especially during a national emergency.

Now may be the time to talk about structural reforms that benefit the working class. The overarching goal must be to reorient the economic system so that everyone, no matter where they live on the wealth spectrum, can live a healthy and secure life while contributing to the common good of the country. This will mean examining and improving the macro rules that govern compensation, health care, the environment, safety standards, family-friendly work hours, immigration, workplace grievances, and race relations. Increasing the power of low-income stakeholders should not be seen as zero-sum redistribution simply to rebalance a ledger, but rather by restoring and reinvigorating a united voice for working people, overall prosperity is enhanced and democracy is strengthened. . People in the middle and lower reaches of the economy also spend money. And a lot.

Working together to further one’s economic interests is widespread among the ‘rich’. Chambers of commerce, business associations, and national trade organizations fill this need for business owners and managers. Why, therefore, should workers not be given the capabilities to drive political decisions through collective action? Unions fulfill this role. Many of the labor and social protections now codified in law that we enjoy today began as union initiatives. Social Security, child labor laws, anti-discrimination laws, workplace safety laws, unemployment insurance, the minimum wage, the 40-hour workweek, and workers’ compensation laws are just a few. of the now-common benefits that accrue because labor unions conceived, supported, and fought for these standards.

It is unlikely that we will return to the same economy that we had before the pandemic. In the future, we can remember a series of social changes in which the virus will have shaken us. Hopefully one of these modifications will be a reckoning on how the working class portion of essential workers should be treated and prioritized. A revival of unions for these workers is justified and overdue.